0000-0002-8451-3617 
brajuan@upr.edu.cuMayra García Quintana1
0000-0001-7857-4360 mayragq@upr.edu.cuLuis Enrique Martínez Hondares1
0000-0003-4303-1571 luis.hondares@upr.edu.cuYahima Gómez Pozo1
0000-0002-6145-0422 yahimag@upr.edu.cu
Mendive. Journal on Education, July-September 2025; 23(3), e3899
Translated from the original in Spanish
Original article
Primary school and the prevention of violence in adolescent and young males
La escuela primaria ante la prevención de la violencia en adolescentes y jóvenes masculinos
Escola primária e prevenção da violência em adolescentes e jovens do sexo masculino
Juan Alberto Blanco Rivera1 0000-0002-8451-3617 brajuan@upr.edu.cu
Mayra García Quintana1 0000-0001-7857-4360 mayragq@upr.edu.cu
Luis Enrique Martínez Hondares1 0000-0003-4303-1571 luis.hondares@upr.edu.cu
Yahima Gómez Pozo1 0000-0002-6145-0422 yahimag@upr.edu.cu
1 University of Pinar de Río "Hermanos Saíz Montes de Oca". Pinar del Río, Cuba.
Received: 12/06/2024
Accepted: 28/08/2025
ABSTRACT
A gender-sensitive primary education system contributes to reducing the normalization of violence, empowers girls and boys to recognize their rights, and fosters more aware and equitable future generations. Schools, as social agents, not only transmit academic knowledge but also have the responsibility to prevent gender-based violence at its roots, building a culture of peace and inclusion. This article aims to delve into the need to improve educational work, beginning in primary school, to prevent violence in adolescent and young males. The results of a study of the manifestations of this type of violence are presented as basic elements for early intervention by schools, in conjunction with other community educational agencies. The sample subjects, belonging to two communities: one urban and one rural, are involved in the research process both as observers and as actors in preventive actions and violence, directly or indirectly. Theoretical methods were used to obtain information on the research object: historical-logical, analysis-synthesis, and induction-deduction. In addition, unstructured interviews, surveys, direct observation, and methodological triangulation were used as part of the empirical methods.
Keywords: educational work; primary school; violence; adolescent and young males; prevention.
RESUMEN
Una educación primaria con perspectiva de género contribuye a reducir la normalización de la violencia, empodera a niñas y niños para reconocer sus derechos y forma futuras generaciones más conscientes y equitativas. La escuela, como agente socializador, no solo transmite conocimientos académicos, sino que también tiene la responsabilidad de prevenir la violencia de género desde sus raíces, construyendo una cultura de paz e inclusión. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo profundizar en la necesidad de mejorar la labor educativa, desde la escuela primaria, para la prevención de violencia en adolescentes y jóvenes masculinos. Se presentan los resultados del estudio de las manifestaciones de este tipo de violencia como elementos básicos para la intervención anticipada de la escuela, de conjunto con otras agencias educativas de la comunidad. Los sujetos de la muestra, pertenecientes a dos comunidades: una urbana y otra rural, se vinculan al proceso investigativo tanto en calidad de observadores como actores de las acciones preventivas y de violencia, de manera directa o indirecta. En la obtención de la información sobre el objeto de investigación se utilizaron métodos del nivel teórico: histórico-lógico, análisis-síntesis e inducción-deducción. Además, como parte de los métodos empírico se utilizó la entrevista no estructurada, la encuesta, la observación directa y la triangulación metodológica.
Palabras clave: labor educativa; escuela primaria; violencia; adolescentes y jóvenes masculinos; prevención.
RESUMO
A educação primária com perspectiva de gênero contribui para a redução da normalização da violência, empodera meninas e meninos para o reconhecimento de seus direitos e forma gerações futuras mais conscientes e equitativas. A escola, como agente socializador, não apenas transmite conhecimento acadêmico, mas também tem a responsabilidade de prevenir a violência de gênero em suas raízes, construindo uma cultura de paz e inclusão. Este artigo tem como objetivo aprofundar a necessidade de aprimorar o trabalho educativo, desde a escola primária, para a prevenção da violência em adolescentes e jovens do sexo masculino. Os resultados de um estudo sobre as manifestações desse tipo de violência são apresentados como elementos básicos para a intervenção precoce da escola, em articulação com outros órgãos educacionais da comunidade. Os sujeitos da amostra, pertencentes a duas comunidades: uma urbana e outra rural, estão envolvidos no processo de pesquisa tanto como observadores quanto como atores em ações preventivas e de prevenção da violência, direta ou indiretamente. Foram utilizados métodos teóricos para a obtenção de informações sobre o objeto de pesquisa: histórico-lógico, análise-síntese e indução-dedução. Além disso, os métodos empíricos utilizados incluíram entrevistas não estruturadas, questionários, observação direta e triangulação metodológica.
Palavras-chave: trabalho educativo; ensino fundamental; violência; adolescentes e jovens do sexo masculino; prevenção.
INTRODUCTION
Overcoming violence constitutes one of the most demanding challenges for the development of human society. The distinguished South African leader Nelson Mandela, in the introduction to the world report "Violence and Health", noted: "We owe our children, the most vulnerable citizens of any society, a life free from violence and fear. To guarantee this, we must be tireless in our efforts to achieve peace, justice, and prosperity" (Mandela, 2002, p. 7).
In recent years, numerous investigations have been conducted in Cuba related to the increasing violence among adolescents and young people in a wide variety of settings. The research focuses specifically on the male population at this stage of life and aims, with its results, to contribute to the early educational work of primary school students, along with other community actors who can significantly impact prevention.
The circumstances of COVID-19 conditioned the use of a qualitative methodology aimed at studying the ideas of key community informants: representatives of the state in the community, non-governmental organizations, as well as adolescents and young people observing public acts of violence.
Regarding violence in general, it is common in our field to recognize physical and psychological violence as the two most common forms; however, three types of violence are also identified in the literature: direct, structural, and symbolic. Finally, a type of violence associated with imaginaries, beliefs, values, evaluative matrices, and mentalities is defined, which the Norwegian Galtung calls symbolic or cultural violence (Calderón Concha, 2009).
In recent years, however, the violence in which men are the victims has attracted attention. A study published in Mexico indicates that "approximately 565 young people between the ages of 10 and 29 die every day worldwide due to interpersonal violence" (Valdez Santiago et al., 2013, p. 2).
The idea of "masculinities as historical processes that are produced and reproduced through very strong institutions such as the church, the family and the school is recognized and their socializing role in the transmission of ideologies, myths and taboos" is valued (Rivero Pino & Hernández de Armas, 2019, p. 5).
Some of the studies carried out highlight certain features of the so-called hegemonic masculinity, which are elements to consider in the development of our research, such as: attachment to power, self-demand for leadership, exercising violence, overvaluation of male identity (misogyny), lack of awareness of the need for changes in their lifestyles (Rivero Pino & Hernández de Armas, 2019, p. 6).
In this analysis, it is necessary to highlight the importance of the symbolic world, where the subject's physical capacities come into play, and their representation of the possibility of losing one's life as a symbolic capacity, which manifests itself in the acceptance of the challenge of a physical or other type of aggression, linked to a personal interpretation, with the self-esteem, masculinity and identity of the individual, to their reputation and puts into play the validation and affirmation, or not, of their virility, self-esteem and identity. "Such behaviors constitute stereotypical forms of sublimated demonstrations of virility" (Mendoza González et al., 2016).
Several Cuban authors, such as Castro (2009) and Ramírez and Turro (2015), have addressed the issue of violence in which men are subjected to aggression by other men or family members. The harmful effect of these actions on the perpetrator, which destabilizes him psychologically and emotionally, is recognized.
Research provides significant data on the characterization of violence in adolescents. It is illustrative that 35.7% of the students surveyed acknowledge having experienced some type of abuse. "Regarding the location, school is identified as the place where abuse occurs the most, although some adolescents are abused in more than one place, and others did not wish to respond" (Alpízar Caballero and Pino González, 2018, p. 415).
The following are identified as triggering factors for interpersonal violence: the social and family environment; associating with friends with a criminal record; having little parental supervision; receiving erratic, irritable, or explosive discipline from parents; receiving corporal punishment; and witnessing violent acts at home during childhood (Valdez Santiago et al., 2013). Symbolic violence is also highlighted as "derived from discrimination, both of people who do not meet the standards or canons of beauty imposed by society, and from the exclusion of important socioeconomic segments" (Berardi, 2013).
Other authors point out that women victims of violence implement parenting guidelines that link abuse by considering it a viable form of interaction in the home, which explains its naturalization in everyday family relationships" (Docal Millán et al., 2022, p. 78).
The problem of violence is also addressed from a macrosocial perspective, emphasizing the conditions necessary for achieving practical violence prevention. For example, Díaz Aguado (2006) notes, "Criticism of violence in all its manifestations, understanding the process by which violence generates more violence, developing tolerance as an essential requirement, and associating violence with masculine values" (p. 89).
The educational work of primary schools for the prevention of violence
Primary school in Cuba has undergone various transformations with the aim of developing a teaching-learning process aimed at the comprehensive development of younger generations. This concept embodies the aspiration of developing the new person that society needs.
Therefore, the Cuban primary school model goes beyond providing students with knowledge, habits, skills, and abilities; its essence lies in educating children and adolescents so that they know how to interpret and appreciate scientific advances, how to work with them, and how to apply them creatively to solve different problems.
Achieving this goal, according to Díaz et al. (2021), would only be possible if these transformations are aimed at developing a reflective, critical, and independent person who takes a leading role, possesses and manifests feelings of love and respect toward family, school, peers, the community, and nature; and who possesses essential qualities such as responsibility, honesty, hard work, and solidarity, among others.
Such an aspiration, combined with the various problems facing society, including violence prevention, presents primary schools with complex and multidimensional challenges. The educational work that schools must carry out in the development of children and adolescents plays an important role.
To define educational work from school, the study of the typology of the aggressor is important. Four fundamental types are defined: "the henchman, the passive follower, the potential defender, and recently, the student with a dual role of victim/bully" (Mendoza González et al., 2016). This element is of great importance for implementing appropriate and preventive educational actions.
There are different approaches to prevention, represented in three levels that, through their interaction, make it effective and sustainable. According to Concha Eastman (2000), these levels are structured by their complexity and transformative effect into: the level of repression and control, where police and judicial action predominate; the level of prevention, where different factors act on the multitude of causes of violence; and the level of promotion of human development and recovery of social capital, where not only is harm prevented but also human improvement is sought.
The economic and sociodemographic aspects of communities, which constitute the macrosocial context of violence, are related to the levels of prevention and promotion of human development defined above, and their determination contributes to the development of educational work with a multicausal and therefore multifunctional approach.
Violence prevention is recognized from three perspectives: primary, secondary, and tertiary. Primary prevention seeks to foster a social and individual environment of respect and tolerance; secondary prevention seeks to halt or delay the progression of violence -or its consequences- at any point in its onset; and tertiary prevention aims to reduce the complications and consequences of the harm caused by violence, with rehabilitation gaining importance in improving quality of life (Cedeño Sandoya, 2020).
The references presented allow us to define the essential elements to be considered from the educational work of primary school, to contribute to the prevention of violence in adolescent and young males, such as:
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The research applied theoretical methods to explore the implications of violence among adolescent and young males, and the educational work needed to prevent it. Key methods included historical-logical analysis, synthesis analysis, and bibliographic analysis. Empirical methods included unstructured interviews with adolescents and representatives of state and non-governmental organizations from the two communities included in the category of observers of violent acts, to gain insight into their ideas about the causes and characteristics of such acts.
In constructing the instruments, the researchers relied on bibliography and observations conducted in settings described as environments where these events occur, such as: squares, nightclubs, cockfights, horse races, and pigeon competitions.
RESULTS
The use of theoretical methods provided essential insights into violence against adolescent and young males and the complexity of educational work at school to prevent it. The main results of the study are presented below.
Comment on the results of the application of instruments
The rural community where the study is being conducted has as its main economic activity the cultivation and processing of tobacco. It has a population of 300 inhabitants. It is made up of a constituency, with the presence of social and political organizations. In the demographic aspect, the existence of young people between 16 and 29 years old (23), sanctioned (2), alcoholics (7), disabled (2), children who do not complete their schoolwork (4) and children cared for by the Victoria task (5) is significant.
Regarding violence, the statistics are insignificant. There are no deaths, and the number of serious and minor injuries is low. However, other manifestations occur, which are not recorded but are very frequent and involve a large portion of the adolescent and young male population of the community: fights in nightclubs on weekend nights; illicit gambling (cockfighting, horse racing and bargaining), and pigeon stealing.
The selected urban community is made up of 252 members from 76 families living in eight buildings, all of whom come from diverse social backgrounds. Of the total population, there are 38 adolescents and young adults, 22 of whom are male, representing 57.9%. The social environment is normal, disrupted only by some illegal activities such as fishing, tailgating, and occasional public scandals in some families. There are no identified cases of alcoholics, but there is high consumption, mainly on weekends.
To analyze the behavior of young adolescents and its potential implications for acts of violence, it is important to consider the proximity to the community of five high-traffic nightclubs, where violent demonstrations with a wide variety of connotations occur.
As a result of the application of instruments in the rural community, interviews were conducted with eight young men who witnessed acts of violence between men. They constitute an informal group due to their close relationships. They engage in family-related productive activities such as rice farming and other activities; in recreational settings such as sports games, soccer, baseball, and volleyball; and shared common interests such as breeding horses, fighting cocks, and pigeons. Of these, four were between the ages of 16 and 17, and four were between 20 and 22.
The adolescents interviewed, who represent 50% of the sample, understand violence fundamentally as actions that cause physical harm through punches, stones, and stabbings. The offenses are understood not as psychological violence in itself, but as causes of the former, to which are added disrespect towards their female companions at parties, arguments at horse races and clandestine cockfights, or simply at pre-party drinks and the widespread consumption of alcohol in those places.
Their assessment of the reaction of those who do not intervene in violent acts is significant, as it is manifested in two categories: 68% support those who believe they are right; while, on the other hand, 32% retreat to their homes to avoid direct involvement. Generally speaking, young people have the perception that those who intervene to prevent or break up a fight usually bear the brunt. A tragic event of this nature that occurred in the past gives rise to this idea.
There is understanding of the negative consequences, both in terms of physical harm: serious and minor injuries, hospitalizations; as the breakup of friendships, as well as the damage to communication among neighbors due to the estrangement of the families involved.
Six of the interviewees, representing 75% of the total, do not recognize the authorities' actions in the face of these forms of violence. They only mention that the police arrest those involved in nightclub fights, but they are unaware of what they do afterward. None of the interviewees can specify preventive measures taken in the community due to various factors, although they believe that teachers and parents should play a fundamental role. Regarding personal attitudes, they believe it is best not to associate with those who go to parties or other places looking for trouble.
Furthermore, 100% of the young people interviewed reported one or more manifestations of physical and psychological violence represented by any type of verbal aggression or disrespect. This is usually followed by physical aggression, in which a machete or other bladed weapon is pulled out, a bottle is broken to cause harm, or stones are thrown to cause damage. They noted a predominant tendency to use objects to attack, rather than fists as was the case previously.
87.5% (7) of these young people point out that the most important causes of violence are alcohol consumption and involvement in illicit games where the amounts of money wagered are often significant, hundreds or thousands of pesos. In these games, not only monetary amounts are at stake, but also the value and prestige as the caretaker of the animal in the case of horses, roosters and pigeons.
Worryingly, these teenagers and young adults believe that when knives are drawn in fights, in addition to the majority not intervening to separate those involved and leaving the scene to avoid being victims, there is a group dedicated to inciting the combatants, sometimes because of their friendship with one of them and in others simply for the enjoyment of the fight.
The authorities' actions against physical violence are considered to be true, as reflected in the existence of prohibitions in nightclubs, such as prohibiting entry to minors under 18, prohibiting the carrying of glass containers, suspending music in nightclubs on weekends after a violent incident until the situation calms down, and an increased police presence in recent times.
In these areas where violence occurs, the presence of children attending local primary schools is widely recognized as observers, often passive and, in the minority, instigators, which contributes to the escalation of the spiral of violence.
To reduce these acts of violence, it is recognized that there is a need to take more severe repressive measures against those who regularly cause them (the drunks, the self-important "good-looking" ones) and to regulate the consumption of alcoholic beverages in these places. Furthermore, they agree that schools should dedicate some time to addressing the issue of violence, its causes and consequences, in educational talks; however, the district representative, the head of the sector, and other authorities should have greater participation in these talks.
Community factors assume that violence has become a daily occurrence in different settings, and it develops depending on the level of the individuals, who fail to understand its consequences and comes to believe themselves superior in manhood. There are domestic manifestations, bullying in schools and on the streets in different forms: verbal and deed, insults, shouting, and hitting.
Those interviewed believe that violence among adolescents is increasing due to the bad habit of drinking alcohol and the disrespect that sometimes occurs under its influence. They also assert that some people turn to alcohol as a refuge due to their economic needs. The deep-rooted sexism among those surveyed is significant, with a consensus that if one is a victim of abuse, one must respond with violence to avoid future abuse. This calls for an approach in elementary school to provide educational work based on a psychological strategy to prevent violence.
Regarding prevention, it was found that organizations do not take specific actions to prevent violence. Educational activities in schools are isolated and limited to talks with adolescents and young people involved in violent acts, which have sometimes resulted in injuries, without active participation from the audience.
The involvement of children and adolescents is a worrying dimension of male violence because it reflects deep-rooted social dysfunctions in the community, which primary schools, in particular, find extremely difficult to address through an educational strategy without community support. These events manifest themselves at weekend parties and in the afternoons after school, where betting on horse races, cockfights, the catching of other people's pigeons, and illicit gambling, which are widely known and practically enforced by police repression, all contribute to a distorting educational environment that tends to become entrenched and widespread, where the healthy traditions and customs of the peasantry are distorted by the pursuit of money.
An important aspect in the study of male violence is dysfunctional families with cases of alcoholism, where psychological violence regularly manifests itself, although it exists in most families. Fathers do not behave well with their children, are aggressive in demanding certain behaviors, and fail to do so in a nurturing manner.
Psychological violence is quite common in the community due to failure to comply with rules of coexistence between neighbors, disruptions in lines at public establishments, and inappropriate verbal expressions. At the same time, social indiscipline exists on roads, in grocery stores, and in other public spaces, where children and adolescents participate from the premise of helping their families, but fall victim to its deforming effects.
The research revealed that adolescents and young adults involved in violent acts typically have negative family backgrounds, a lack of educational guidance, alcoholism, job instability due to the seasonal nature of tobacco farming, and they hire themselves out for specific tasks and drop out of school to earn easy money.
In the urban community, 12 young men who witnessed violent acts between men were interviewed. They constitute an informal group formed primarily by their love of soccer, which is played on land adjacent to the community or on the streets. Five of them were between the ages of 16 and 17, and seven were between 20 and 22. Not all of these adolescents and young men attended the same primary and junior high school because the community is partly made up of families from other areas. This particularity affects neighborhood relations. Their families have short-standing and somewhat fragile neighborhood relations.
Both adolescents and young adults understand violence as aggression toward others, both physical and psychological, and abuse, although physical harm is most pronounced and carries the greatest risk. Young people associate it with alcohol consumption, which makes some feel brave. They report that psychological violence is more noticeable in schools, while physical violence is more prevalent in nightclubs.
Other associated causes include music that incites violence, disagreements of all kinds that are resolved under the influence of alcohol, financial blackmail, debt, and personal score-settling resulting from illicit gambling.
Interviewees in both age groups studied acknowledge that when violent incidents occur in public places, three types of attitudes are manifested: some stand by and watch or record; others stand back to avoid interference but remain in the scene; and others, at the slightest sign of anger -shouting, insults, or threats- leave the scene. The bystander attitude is considered the predominant one.
Both adolescents and young adults recognize the following negative consequences: psychological trauma and physical injuries, some of which have been serious and have resulted in deaths in some of the most frequented recreational centers. Temporary closure of facilities is also defined as a negative result of violent acts. Fines and imprisonment are recognized as legal consequences for those involved.
The adolescents and young adults surveyed identify recreational centers as the ones where violent incidents occur most frequently, especially on holidays and carnivals; however, they continue to attend these places and affirm this. Young people also believe that, despite the high cost of visiting these places, there are customers who are not employed and have a poor social reputation. They also appreciate the existence of speculative displays regarding the use of changing rooms and the consumption of alcoholic beverages, which sometimes causes misunderstandings among some of the attendees.
In the interview, the local government representative identifies the manifestations of violence present in the community, including physical and psychological aggression associated with gestures and verbal aggression; however, she is unable to define what violence is. Violence, nor how to prevent it. There are dysfunctional families where violence occurs, with individuals who are unemployed and addicted to alcohol, and where several generations live together, with communication problems due to the imposition of their own opinions, which makes coexistence difficult.
In her assessment, these forms of violence are not very common, although they occur primarily in multi-family buildings, sheltered individuals, social cases, inmates, and ex-inmates with a poor attitude and high levels of aggression.
She points out that these acts are condemned by most community members, but there is no support for them because they are considered complex. There is also a lack of integration of different factors to address them, prevent them, and prevent them from becoming systematic behaviors. The sector chief issues warnings, the social worker instructs, they are perceived as family problems, and the community remains uninvolved.
The most significant causes are considered to be: lack of employment relationships, alcoholism, dysfunctional families, and divorce. The prevention working group is not taking sufficient action; it is necessary to apply science to be able to take action and produce changes in community attitudes, transforming violent behaviors. This would be an achievement for the community, as it contributes to family and social harmony and a better quality of life.
Interviews with representatives of community social organizations revealed that violence in various community settings is not widespread and is fueled by alcohol consumption in certain dysfunctional families, with economic difficulties and illicit activities. The most common examples are riots, marital disputes with physical injuries, and altercations among habitual alcohol users. Some of the families involved include members with physical and mental disabilities.
Violence between men stems not only from alcohol consumption but also from the presence of outsiders involved in the criminal world. There are no cases of young people being monitored by the youth support group, nor are there any young people in prison or serving prison sentences.
On the other hand, they recognize that the prevention actions carried out are not systematic in the community and do not involve families and schools in an integrated manner. At the same time, some individuals are capable of combating violent manifestations among adolescents and young people and of requesting the intervention of the authorities.
As can be seen, there are aspects that are reiterated in the interviews conducted:
The predominance of the bystander group and its stratification do not contribute to curbing the development of violent acts in public spaces. The involvement of dysfunctional families is highlighted as an internal factor in violent manifestations, as is the lack of awareness among adolescent and youth groups regarding preventive measures.
The limited participation of schools and other community factors in specific, integrated actions aimed at preventing manifestations of violent behavior constitutes the context that serves as the foundation for the development of the educational work required in the community to prevent violence.
DISCUSSION
The results confirm that violence among adolescent and young males is a complex, multicausal phenomenon with strong cultural and familial roots. The presence of fights in recreational spaces, alcohol consumption, and participation in illicit gambling are consistent with the findings of Valdez Santiago et al. (2013), who identified triggering factors in social and family contexts that increase young people's vulnerability to interpersonal violence.
In the communities analyzed, both rural and urban, the adolescents interviewed primarily recognized physical and psychological violence, which is related to the classification of direct, structural, and symbolic violence proposed by Galtung and adopted by Calderón Concha (2009). The naturalization of verbal and physical aggression in everyday settings reflects the persistence of forms of symbolic violence, linked to beliefs and social values that legitimize violent behavior (Berardi, 2013).
Furthermore, the research shows how hegemonic masculinity continues to fuel confrontational attitudes and the pursuit of recognition through force, which is consistent with the approaches of Rivero Pino and Hernández de Armas (2019), who highlight the association between masculinity and power practices, violent leadership, and misogyny. In this sense, expressions of virility through physical challenges and the use of knives reinforce what Mendoza González et al. (2016) stated, describing these behaviors as stereotypical displays of masculine identity.
Another relevant finding is the limited perception of preventive actions from the community and the limited involvement of primary schools in this effort. This coincides with the observations made by Alpízar Caballero and Pino González (2018), who noted that school is one of the spaces where adolescents report the highest incidence of abuse. This situation demands that educational institutions assume a more active role in fostering a culture of peace; as Díaz et al. (2021) argue, Cuban schools have the mission of educating reflective, critical, and supportive citizens capable of addressing social problems from a transformative perspective.
Along the same lines, Docal Millán et al. (2022) warn that domestic violence tends to be reproduced in parenting patterns, which explains why adolescents internalize violence as an acceptable form of interaction. This aspect is particularly worrying in the communities studied, where primary school-aged children are already incorporated as passive observers or instigators of violent acts, reinforcing the need for early intervention.
From a prevention perspective, the levels proposed by Concha Eastman (2000) repression and control, prevention and promotion of human development and the dimensions identified by Cedeño Sandoya (2020)primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention are relevant for articulating educational strategies in primary school. However, the results show that current actions are limited to isolated repressive measures, without any systematic effort that integrates the school, family, and community.
Finally, we reaffirm Díaz Aguado's (2006) position regarding the need to understand that violence generates more violence if not effectively addressed. The cyclical nature of these behaviors, observed in the communities studied, highlights the urgent need for a comprehensive preventive approach starting in primary school, which promotes the values of tolerance, respect, and gender equality as fundamental pillars of social coexistence.
The study identified, in the case of the two communities studied, physical violence as the most recognized manifestations by adolescents and young people, as well as verbal aggression associated with it. At the same time, spaces such as nightclubs, parties, and illicit gambling venues are where it is most frequently revealed; all associated with alcohol consumption, personality problems, and dysfunctional families.
The adolescents and young adults interviewed recognized a tendency not to engage in violent acts or incite violence for the sheer enjoyment of it. On the other hand, they confirmed a propensity to use knives or other objects, which makes these acts a greater danger to the health of the combatants or observers.
In both communities, the interviewees recognized that integration is insufficient, both in terms of prevention in general and specifically related to violence. Actions carried out are limited to unsystematic talks, mainly in schools.
The educational work of primary school is essential in fostering positive values in children and adolescents as a fundamental resource for preventing violence from childhood, which allows them to overcome elements of hegemonic masculinity.
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Conflict of interest
Authors declare no conflict of interests.
Authors' contribution
The authors participated in the design and writing of the article, in the search and analysis of the information contained in the consulted bibliography.
